Effects of Culture in Teaching and Learning

Effects of Culture in Teaching and Learning Teaching English in Saudi Arabia – The Cultural Context Introduction In this essay, I aim to examine the cultural context predominant in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) in so far as it might affect effective teaching and learning styles and strategies in the EFL classroom. My interest in this topic is grounded in the reality of the post-9/11 world where the Western world has been pitted against the Arabic world as if there is a great social, cultural and religious divide that might never be bridged – or so the message in the media goes. This poses a great challenge and temptation for EFL teachers working in or curious about the region. The KSA makes for a particularly interesting study into how the local cultural and religious context might impact on successful English teaching and learning, because of the Kingdoms â€Å"politically sensitive geography† (Marcinkiewicz, 1995). The holy cities of Mekkah and Madinah are situated right within its borders and the KSA has thus â€Å"undertaken a protectoral role in religion.† It follows then that the Islamic religion is not only the most pervasive aspect of local culture, impacting directly on teaching method and content, it is also a significant motivating force for KSA learners who are â€Å"intensely religious, Islam having a strong influence on their minds and hearts.† (Al Haq and Smadi, 1996). It can thus be expected then that the religious dynamics in the KSA will â€Å"cause friction in the classroom† (Traynham, 2006). With Islam being the â€Å"strongest denominator† of students in the KSA (Kniffka, 1996), cultural awareness must inform any teaching methodology in order to achieve successful outcomes. Outline of essay I will introduce the cultural context underpinning effective language teaching and learning and give a brief background of the history of English instruction in the KSA as a way of introducing the larger historical and cultural context in which English-language instruction occurs. I will next consider some of the specific sociocultural and sociolinguistic issues that impact on the learning styles and strategies preferred by students and teachers in the KSA. Referring to the relevant literature, I will suggest connections between the local cultural context and the effectiveness of learning and teaching methods and strategies employed. Finally, I will conclude that while the local culture affects both students and teachers – and teachers must respond to this at the practical and theoretical levels – teachers must, at the same time, avoid overgeneralizing about cultural and religious factors and understand that each and every classroom exhibits a unique dynamic between a g iven set of individual students and their teacher and that, in fact, in many cases a universal education culture exists in all EFL classrooms regardless of social and cultural geography and context. The cultural context underpinning effective language teaching and learning In the past decade the concepts of context and culture have become increasingly more important in the literature on language teaching (Byram and Grundy, 2003). This is due to the increased acknowledgement of the significance of socio-political factors in teaching and learning and of the perception of learners as social beings who respond to learning a new language with â€Å"feelings and identities† (p. 1). In language teaching, cultural context is â€Å"usually defined as a/the culture associated with a language being learnt† (p. 1). As far as the English language is concerned, English has been taught in the KSA ever since the Kingdom was established, in 1932 (Al-Seghayer, 2005). The explosion of economic activity within the oil industry resulted in rapid development of English language programs in the 1970s, so that Saudis could successfully communicate in English with imported manpower and outside interests. Today, English is used as the major medium of instruction in universities where science, medicine, engineering and technology subjects are taught. English instruction begins in elementary school and is centralized and controlled by the Ministry of Education. Despite the ever-increasing importance of English in Saudi Arabia â€Å"as an essential vehicle for personal and national growth,† (Al-Seghayer, 2005, pp129), the system still fails to produce a satisfactory level of English language proficiency in Saudi learners. This seems to be an incongruous result, considering that the socio-cultural motivations for learning English are quite significant. Al Haq and Smadi (1996) find that a good knowledge of English rewards with social prestige and is considered to be a kind of duty to help Saudi Arabia advance economically, culturally and religiously at both the Islamic and international levels. With English being the lingua franca, in so far as technology and the sciences are concerned, Saudi citizens see English as a vital tool in advancing in this modern world. But this might be part of the problem. The English language – as the bearer of the goods of technology and science – necessarily comes with Western culture. Languages are expressions of national, historical and cultural identities. Languages are also â€Å"ideological because they are associated with aspirations of unity, loyalty and patriotism,† and â€Å"social because they are perceived as symbols of status, power, group identity, and belonging,† (Wesche, 2004, p. 279). As such, there is a fear in the KSA that the â€Å"use of English entails Westernization, detachment to the country, and a source of corruption to [] religious commitment.† (Al Haq and Samdi, 1996, p. 308). The sociolinguistic features of the English language – the grammar, phonetics and vocabulary – necessarily impact socio-affectively on the society of EFL learners (Khuwaileh, 2000, p. 287) wherever they might be situated in the world. In the case of Saudi Arabia, English language instruction often relies on Western cultural content that conflicts with Islamic culture and ideals. For example, Traynham (2006) explains how many EFL textbooks contain vocabulary – dating, alcohol, music, dance – that is offensive to Saudi students and to the Islamic faith. Khuwaileh (2000) also found similar sociolinguistic obstacles and cultural barriers when learners in an English for Science and Technology class refused to write on topics that included â€Å"taboo vocabulary† such as, AIDS, sexual diseases and contraception (p. 286), because for one student, at least, â€Å"religion,† â€Å"honor† and â€Å"politeness† were more important than gaining the certificate in English. Khuwaileh concluded that, unless modified, â€Å"course material rich in taboo content can significantly hinder the learning process.† (p. 287) Moreover, in a study of EFL textbooks – largely those written by non-Saudis and non-Muslims – used to teach freshman English in Saudi Arabia, Alhaidari (2003) found that they contained images and vocabulary â€Å"that clashed directly with Islamic and Saudi cultures.† These issues might seem easily solved, if common sense prevails even before theoretical and pragmatic considerations are examined. Offensive material should be avoided by designing unique material adapted to the socio-cultural reality of the student group. Even so, the pervasive presence of the textbook as the â€Å"dominant tool in teaching† holds a â€Å"powerful influence† over both cognitive and affective factors in individual students (Alhaidari, 2003, p. 3). Cultural revulsion towards a given text might impact on a students attitude to authority (in this case, the English language and English teacher) and on a students attitude to how important a text might be. A negative response, which is likely to be expected, will surely result in â€Å"learning difficulties, probably lost teaching objectives and, consequently, useless curricula.† (Khuwaileh, 2000, p. 287). Cultural issues in Saudi Arabia affecting effective language learning strategies For all of these reasons, awareness of cultural issues is not only beneficial, but a necessity, and Kniffka (1992) stresses that EFL instructors need to increase their level of expertise in cultural awareness and teaching language within a cultural context. Cultural awareness begins with the understanding that culture is a concept that concerns the role of the individual in the â€Å"unending kaleidoscope of life situations of every kind and the rules or models for attitudes and conduct in them† Oxford (1996, p ix). Context includes the beliefs, perceptions and assumptions that directly influence two things: language learning styles (the general approaches that guide learning) and language learning strategies (the specific steps or techniques used by learners). Of the six types of learning strategies – cognitive, metacognitive, memory, compensatory, affective and social – outlined by Oxford (2003, pp. 12-15), studies (introduced below) find that Arabic students tend to use cognitive and metacognitive strategies with greater frequency, and socio-affective strategies with lesser frequency, though students also exhibit an optimistic flexibility toward using a wide range of learning strategies. Abu-Ghararah (1996) found that â€Å"a wide variety of learning strategies were used† even while the majority of the EFL students surveyed in three public schools in Madinah â€Å"tended to use more cognitive strategies [more] than socio-affective strategies [] in acquiring English as a foreign language† (p. 6). Abdan and Almuarik (1992) also found that students exhibited a preference for multiple learning styles. In fact, gender and subject major, in their study, made no difference at all to their preferences. Riazi and Rahimi (2005) similarly found that while their Iranian student subjects used metacognitive strategies â€Å"at a high frequency,† overall they were â€Å" medium strategy users.† This can be extended to Saudi Arabia, because both Arab countries have a â€Å"similar history, culture and language† (p. 282). These studies show that students regularly â€Å"combine all the learning orientations.† Riazi and Rahimi (2005, p. 110) suggest that this openness and flexibility results from a â€Å"specific philosophy of life† where â€Å"a human being can only be perfect, when he studies all of the sciences and arts.† Reasons pointing to more frequent use of cognitive and metacognitive strategies might be that these strategies offer students direct ways to control learning and are strategies that can be employed in private study, rather than in group situations, which seem to be less preferred. Another factor suggested was that these students might not have much exposure to English in social situations so as to â€Å"pick up† the target language â€Å"unconsciously.† Reasons pointing to the minimal use of other strategies might be, apart from cultural background, â€Å"improper teaching,† and again lack of exposure to English in a native environment with native speakers. For Riazi and Rahimi, at least, it is up to the English instructors to introduce other strategies by discussing them with their students and providing appropriate opportunities to develop and use those â€Å"neglected strategies† (p. 123). To this end, Zaid (1996) evaluated the methodological preferences of teachers in an English department at a major KSA university and found that the overall preference was for a communicative style of teaching. This is interesting when considered against the findings of Riazi and Rahimi (2005, p. 103) where social learning strategies were the least frequently used strategies of EFL students. In fact, Khuwaileh (2005, p. 282) also concluded that social strategies, such as group work and openly expressing opinions in the classroom are â€Å"culturally bound practices which seem to hinder English language learning.† Zaid (1996) warns against teachers developing â€Å"personalized theories† of teaching when it might result in a â₠¬Å"methodological gap† between what they are doing in the classroom and what program administrators – working within the socio-cultural framework of the KSA – expect. Personalized teaching might also result in a preferential gap between how the teacher prefers to teach and how the students prefer to learn. Good practice then is clearly a collaboration between program administration, teacher preference, and the expectations of students as a group and as individuals. â€Å"Individual† is stressed here because, as Oxford (2003, p. 16) emphasizes, a teacher needs â€Å"adequate knowledge about their individual students style preferences† in order to provide the most effective classroom instruction. The literature examined in this essay, while clearly suggesting learning trends and preferences based on cultural background, also suggest an openness and flexibility in the learning strategy preferences of Saudi, and other Arab, students. In fact, the impact of culture is often found to be influenced by other factors, such as individual personality traits (Oxford, 2003), gender, as well as motivation (Kaylani, 1996, p75). Individual learners who are more motivated – regardless of cultural background – will use a wider range of learning strategies thus ensuring greate r success in their learning (Oxford, 1996a, p118). This may further imply that students may successfully adjust preference and expectation if a teacher introduces new activities â€Å"on trial† (Tomlinson, 2005), in the first instance, and only incorporate lesser used strategies should students find them useful and enjoyable. In fact, Tomlinson (2005) suggests that while learners may well have expectations based on cultural norms and experiences, the level of innovation introduced by any given individual teacher into the EFL classroom may have the effect of creating a new and unique to the classroom â€Å"temporary culture.† Tomlinson finds that even in significantly different cultural contexts, â€Å"educational cultures seem to be remarkably similar† (p. 139), what he refers to as a â€Å"universal† education culture. He calls it a Tomlinson seeks to stress the â€Å"teachers attitude† in response to the perceived cultural context in which they work and warns against the â€Å"dangers of cultural overgeneralization.† He concludes that teachers should remember that in a classroom teachers teach to a â€Å"class of diverging individuals rather than to a convergent group of cultural stereotypes.† Conclusion In conclusion then, the sociocultural and religious context in the KSA clearly influences teaching and learning. Teachers should not only be aware of the cultural context in which they teach and but this context should directly inform their choices of method and materials. However, teachers should avoid, on the one hand, making methodological choices based on overgeneralizations and preconceived ideas about how cultural issues influence their students, and on the other hand, should also avoid personalizing their methodology to suit their preferences and ideology. Methods and strategies employed in EFL instruction should always be negotiated anew between the teacher and the group of individual students. And all of this, of course, within the general framework of the sociocultural and religious dynamic prevalent in the KSA. References Abdan, A.A., and Almuarik, S.A., 1992. The Learning Style Preference of Saudi EFL University Students. In Journal of King Saud University. Educational Sciences Islamic Studies. [online] Vol. 4, No. 1, Abstract from King Saud University Journal Digital Library, Available from: http://digital.library.ksu.edu.sa/paper2214.html. [Accessed 15 November 2008]. Abu-Ghararah, A.H., 1996. The Learning Strategy Uses of EFL Students. [online] In Educational Journal, Faculty of Education, Kuwait University. Vol. 10, No, 38, pp. 15-32, Available from: http://abughararah.com/App_content/File/Researches/07.pdf  [Accessed 16 November 2008]. Alhaidari, A.O., 2003. The Compatibility of Freshman EFL Textbooks Used by Saudi Universities with Islamic Culture. [online] In Journal of King Saud University. Educational Sciences Islamic Studies. Vol. 15, No 2, pp1-41, Available from: http://wwww.ksu.edu.sa/printpress/researches/V28M206R2970.pdf, King Saud University Journal Digital Library.  [Accessed 17 November 2008]. Al Haq, F.A., and Smadi, O., 1996. Spread of English and Westernization in Saudi Arabia. In World Englishes, Vol. 15, No. 3, pp 307-317. Al-Seghayer, K., 2005. Teaching English in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: Slowly but Steadily Changing. In G Braine, ed. Teaching English to the World: History, Curriculum, and Practice. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, p 125-191. Byram, M., and Grundy, P., eds., 2003. Context and Culture in Language Teaching and Learning. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Kaylani, C., 1996. The Influence of Gender and Motivation on EFL Learning Strategy Use in Jordan, p 75-88. In Oxford, R.L., ed., 1996. Language and Learning Strategies Around the World: Cross-Cultural Perspectives. : University of Hawaii Press. Khuwaileh, A.A., 2000. Cultural Barriers of Language Teaching: A Case Study of  Classroom Cultural Obstacles. In Computer Assisted Language Learning, Vol. 13, No. 3, pp. 281–290. Kniffka, H., 1992. Cultural Identity, Life Cycles and Intercultural Communication: Teaching  German to Adults in Saudi Arabia. In Language Teaching Journal, Vol. 2, pp. 75–80. Marcinkiewicz, H.R., 1995. Educational Technology Transcends the Saudi Desert and Cultural Mores. [online] In TechTrends, Vol. 40, No. 2. Preview available from http://www.springerlink.com/content/m415w713355677h4/fulltext.pdf?page=1, Springer Boston  [Accessed: 16 November 2008]. Oxford, R.L., 2003. Language Learning Styles and Strategies: An Overview. In Learning Styles Strategies: Oxford, GALA. Oxford, R.L., 1990. Language learning strategies: What every teacher should know. New York: Newbury House. Oxford, R.L., 1996. Language Learning Motivation. Manoa: University of Hawaii Press. Oxford, R.L., ed., 1996a. Language and Learning Strategies Around the World: Cross-Cultural Perspectives. Manoa: University of Hawaii Press. Riazi, A., and Rahimi, M., 2005. Iranian EFL Learners’ Pattern of Language Learning Strategy Use. In The Journal of Asia TEFL, Vol. 2, No. 1, pp. 103-129. Tomlinson, B., 2005. English as a Foreign Language: Matching Procedures to the Context of Learning. In Hinkel, E., ed., Handbook of Research in Second Language Teaching and Learning. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, p. 137-154. Traynham, M.S., 2006. Challenges for EFL Students and Teachers in Saudi Arabia [online] TESOL Courses.  Available from: http://www.tesolonline.com/articles/complete_articles.php?index=177category=59  [Accessed: 15 November 2008]. Wesche, M., 2004. Teaching Languages and Cultures in a Post-9/11 World. [online] In The Modern Language Journal, Vol. 88, No. 2, pp. 278-285.  Available from: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3588759, Blackwell Publishing.  [Accessed: 16 November 2008]. Zaid, M., 1996. Ascertaining the Pedagogical Preferences of EFL Teaches in Saudi Arabia. In Journal of King Saud University. Educational Sciences Islamic Studies. [online] Vol. 8, No. 2. pp. 1-20. 20. Available from http://digital.library.ksu.edu.sa/V8M317R2260.pdf Abstract from King Saud University Journal Digital Library.  [Accessed 15 November 2008]. 9/ 9

French Fourth Republic

French Fourth Republic This essay examines the reasons for the fall of the French Fourth Republic (1945-1958), with a focus on the impact of the French-Algerian war as well as examining the other causes that contributed to the demise of the government such as the French Indo-China War as well as what seemed like the inherent instability of the structure of government and the cabinet in the French Fourth Republic. The research question that the essay would be is to what extent was the French-Algerian War the cause of the fall of the French Fourth Republic? The time frame of this essay will be the entire length of the French Fourth Republics reign in government from 1945, following the end of World War, until 1958, when Charles de Gaulle rose to power and formed the French Fifth Republic. This timeframe also encompasses the start of both the French Algerian War and the French Indo-China War in 1954 and 1946 respectively. The stand that this essay will be taking is the view that the French Algerian War was the main cause of the fall of the Fourth Republic. While the instability of the cabinet of the Fourth Republic contributed to its fall due to the infighting among the coalitions, characterized by the 24 different governments in its 13 year reign, it was the controversy over French Algerian war and Algerian independence that led to the intervention from the right-wing supporters in the French Army that led to eventual coup that toppled the French Fourth Republic. Word count: 251 Introduction The fall of the French Fourth Republic saw the return of General Charles de Gaulle to power for the first time since the end of World War 2, serving as the first President of the French Fifth Republic. His return to power was a result of being voted in by the French National Assembly due to the collapse of the previous French Fourth Republic.  [1]   Prior to the fall of the government, there was a strong resistance movement already building up in French Algeria as the local government sought independence from French rule. This culminated in violence against French forces present in the area by the paramilitary nationalist political party, the National Liberation Front or FLN. The problem of Algerian independence was further compounded by the problem of the pied-noirs, or Algerian-French. Among the European colonizers, France had the largest number of its population in its colonies and thus, this means that there would be an extremely large number of refugees should the indigenous government gain independence; around 1 million French would be displaced compared to the 250,000 Dutch and 15,000 Britons.  [2]   Therefore, there was a split in the French Parliament over the handling of the matter due to the contrasting views possessed within the ruling coalition government. Furthermore, the frequency in which the ruling government was replaced also added to the situation as different coalitions had different mandates regarding Algeria. BODY Significance of time frame choice The French Republic was in power from 1945 following the end of World War 2 to its end following the May Crisis in 1958. Its entire government lasted encompassed the entire French Algerian War, which was from 1946-1954, as well as the start as well as the majority of the Algerian War, which started in 1954. Thus, most of the battle-weary troops from the French Indo-China War and World War 2 before that were sent straight into Algeria to fight, causing unhappiness among the men and the generals. Furthermore, as it came to power following the end of World War 2, the government of the Fourth Republic was placed in charge of rebuilding the countrys infrastructure and economy. But, the governance of the Fourth Republic was marred by economic mismanagement.  [3]   French Algerian War France did not have an empire since the time of Napoleon III in the 1860s, an empire which eventually collapsed around 1870. Thus, when Algeria, the oldest and the crown jewel in the 3rd French Empire wanted independence, France was unwilling to relinquish its colony. The response could be attributed back to the 2nd French Empire, when the belief that colonization was a civilizing mission to be carried out amidst a mood of what Harrison terms, chauvinistic expansionism.  [4]   Conflicts between France and Algeria were nothing new by the 1950s. Since the end of World War 2, the Algerian government had been pushing for independence whereas France had in fact, been trying to keep its empire from crumbling after World War 2. Thus, when Algeria, one of Frances oldest colonies tried to declare independence, the conflict that erupted between them quickly tied up the military forces; soldiers who had been fighting in the jungles of French Indochina were quickly reposted to the desert sands of Algeria to fight in another war. This pressure on France for Algerian independence culminated in violence against French troops in Algeria by the National Liberation Front and the National Liberation Army in a war characterized by the use of terror and guerilla attacks against civilians on both sides. This resulted in unpopularity for the war among both the French and Algerian civilians and in particular, the French Army.  [5]   The main cause of the dissatisfaction for the government was the poor leadership and wavering resolve to assure a military solution that the generals perceived the armed forces were receiving under the leadership of the Fourth Republic. However, the government was also disturbed by unchecked military action in Algeria and refused to commit more troops, leaving the French Army without the decisive firepower needed to punch through the resistance.  [6]  Thus generals wished for a strong, authoritarian figure to take control, a figure they saw in Charles de Gaulle  [7]  , unlike then-current French Prime Minister Pierre Pflimlin, whom the generals perceived as indecisive and by May 1958, the loyalty of the military to the government was seen as doubtful.  [8]   Back in France, dissatisfaction regarding the governments plan to cede independence to Algeria resulted in a coup being planned by generals of the French Army, Generals Jean Gracieux, Jacques Massau who supported Admiral Auboyneau, Raoul Salan and Edmond Jouhaud to overthrow the existing government and replace it with Charles de Gaulle as the new head of state. The rogue generals then launched paratroopers into Corsica and threatened to do the same in Paris, with an armored division on standby.  [9]  Thus, the coup, known as the May 1958 crisis in French history, could be seen as the catalyst of the French Fourth Republic being replaced by de Gaulle and the Fifth Republic. Also, the Communist Party was strongly opposed to the war, claiming colonization was imperialist and bourgeoisie.  [10]  As the communist party was the largest party in the various ruling coalition governments, this greatly weakened the governments resolve in dealing with the crisis. In addition, the generals feared that the French government would pull out of Algeria like it did in French Indo-china, thus incurring more damage to French pride as it would portray them losing to their own colonies, the people whom they consider as second-class citizens. Despite the fact that other colonial powers, Britain in particular, were already granting independence to its large colonial empire after World War 2. India, Burma and Pakistan were three such examples of colonies who gained independence after World War 2 Furthermore, the war was unpopular with the civilians. After all, this was the crown jewel in the French Empire with over 1 million French settlers, more than Morocco or Tunisia, and it was seen as vital to maintain what was known as Algerie franà §aise.  [11]  This concept of Algerie franà §aise was, fundamentally, a concept of unity and equality between the colonist and the colony and was popularized in the 1960s by supporters who wanted to keep Algeria a French colony. However, this concept was far from stable, with the indigenous Muslims being denied political representation.  [12]  Thus, tension was built between the mainland government and the second generation French-Algerians, not helped by the deliberate targeting of civilians with bombs, a tactic initially utilized by the French and later by the FLN.  [13]  Furthermore, after widespread reports of the use of torture by the French Army on prisoners-of-war, the reaction in France was one of moral outrage, reduci ng support for the war even further, with renowned French philosopher and political activist Jean-Paul Satre speaking out against the violence.  [14]  Finally, the pied-noirs, or French-Algerian citizens, feared for a negotiated peace with the FLN and thus supported the French Army against the Pflimlin government in an act of open defiance.  [15]   In addition, the use of conscription in the war did not help its popularity, similar to the French Indo-China war before that.  [16]  Therefore, with a lack of support back in the mainland, it reflected poorly in the governments decision-making capabilities and would cause it to decline in popularity and support. There was also much unhappiness from the pied-noirs, who felt that they were being marginalized as second-class citizens having been forced to repatriate to mainland France and were similar in status as the native Algerians.  [17]  Therefore, over 1 million French Algerian joined the Organisation de larmà ©e secrete or OAS, fighting for Algeria to remain under French Rule.  [18]  They formed a formidable fighting force, capable of engaging the French Army in hit-and-run attacks, similar to what the French faced in Indochina earlier. Overall, with the French Indo-china war that just took place earlier, it signaled the collapse of the French Empire that the Fourth Republic had struggled to hold together since the end of the war against the tide of decolonization sweeping across the globe. French Indo-China (Vietnam) War The French Indo-China War could be perceived as the start of French decolonization around the world. The war began in 1946 and ended in 1954 with France officially pulling its troops out of the country following the Geneva Convention when the French Prime Minister at the time, Pierre Mendà ¨s France, agreed to negotiate an armistice with the Viet Minh resistance fighters. The loss of the French forces to the Viet Minh could be blamed on the unstable governmental structure. Due to the high turnover rate of governments, there was no consistent policy for the Indo-China War. For example, the Radical Party was strongly opposed to any form of French colonialism and when Prime Minister and Radical Party member Mendà ¨s France agreed to a ceasefire and withdrawal from Indo-China with the Viet Minh, this was met with opposition from the Nationalists and the Catholics in the French Parliament in particular, the latter who was opposed to the communists. This war had a great impact on the French civilians, who saw this as the start of the fall of the French empire. Support for the war was severely lacking in mainland France, with the majority of the opposition being driven by the French Communist Party. Attempts to sabotage the war effort were made apparent by such scandals like the Henri Martin affair. Furthermore, the war was extremely costly, costing the government up to US$3million a day. Also, the handling of the war divided the already split cabinet further, with the communists leaving the ruling Tripartite alliance and weakening the cabinet further. The war also had a lasting impact on the morale of the French Army, as it would later compound with the defeat in Algeria. This loss greatly affected the pride of the French Army, still recovering from its losses in World War 2. Eventually, the commanders present in Vietnam were eventually reposted to Algeria to fight in another war against guerillas. Overall, the loss of Indo-china greatly affected French pride, having been defeated in World War 2 prior to that as well as having been on the losing side in the Korean War. Thus, this led the various commanders of the armed forces that they were being marginalised by the French government and demand a change in the head of state. Unstable structure Another given factor for the fall of the Fourth Republic was its unstable structure.  [19]  Essentially, the French Fourth Republic and its government was formed by minority representation, which meant that no single party had a clear majority and had to form coalitions in order to rule. The result of this was that consensus was very difficult to achieve due to each party that made up the coalition having their own agenda. The main parties forming most of the coalitions were the Radical Party, who were strong opponents of French colonization, and the Socialists, who formed a coalition with the Communist Party. Despite the coalitions and alliances, individual parties still pursued their own agendas and often did not cooperate with one another. This was characterized by the members of the French Communist Party. However, as a majority of the parties consisted of ex-French Resistance members, newer politicians often held them in high esteem and were easily influenced by them.  [20 ]  21 The Fourth Republic comprised of about 20 governments led by mixture of political parties in its 13 years in governance and was seen as a direct continuation of the Third Republic, along with all its failures. It had favored a parliamentary style of governance while Charles de Gaulle had in fact favored a presidential style of governance. This disagreement resulted in de Gaulle leaving French politics until his return to power in 1958. In comparison to the pre-World War 2 French Third Republic, the Fourth Republics structure of government was essentially the same.  [22]  Both were parliamentary democracies and formed coalitions with other parties to form the majority needed. Thus, most of these parties were centrist in nature due to compromises to both the extreme right and extreme left. In addition, a majority of these parties consisted of extremely loose groupings of members concentrated around a few notable figures.  [23]  This often resulted in ineffective hung parliament s due to the shifting alliances.  [24]  Furthermore, cabinets often relied on an often temporary and conditional parliamentary majority to maintain power. Any divisions in power would often lead to a fall in the cabinet and the fluidity in which the majority often shifted its power, which in turn led to the high turnover rate of cabinets.  [25]  A point to note is that the electoral coalitions formed were not binding contracts, but merely tactical maneuvers and as such, imposed no obligations among the parties involved to act together on legislature.  [26]  One notable example was the when Prime Minister Guy Mollet was in office. Despite being a Socialist minister, his governments campaign in Algeria had in fact contradicted the rhetoric that the Socialist Party was adopting.  [27]   A comparison was made between the structure of government of the French Fourth Republic and the Weimar Republic of Germany by John D. Huber and Cecilia Martinez-Gallardo in the article Cabinet Instability and the Accumulation of Experience: The French Fourth and Fifth Republics in Comparative Perspective. The article takes a rather different stand regarding the point that the alleged instability of the Fourth Republics government was more apparent than real as the key office holders more or less remained the same while the cabinets around it reformed over and over again.  [28]  Thus, this instability is instead attributed to individual members of the cabinet, rather than the entire cabinet as a whole and that the individual accumulation of experience by the ministers served to provide a degree of stability to the cabinet.  [29]   The above point is further endorsed by Roy Macridis in the article Cabinet Instability in the Fourth Republic (1946-1951). In the article, Macridis states that whenever a new cabinet was installed, very rarely was there a complete turnover in personnel, thus ensuring a high rate of continuation between successive cabinets and ministries despite the fact that the average cabinet lasted around six and a half months in the Fourth Republic.  [30]  31 However, it is also noted that despite the relative stability of the individual ministries, the cabinets under the Fourth Republic were still lacking any cohesive central decision-making process. In fact, due to the coalition structure, the various ministerial posts were distributed among the various political parties, namely the Socialists, the Radicals and the MRP (Popular Republican Movement), in accordance to how the cabinet was proportioned at the time. Thus for example, the parliamentary secretaries for the 3 different wings of the military were always divided between the 3 main political parties.  [32]   A point to note is that the Fourth Republic was not popular with voters, with around one in two voters challenging the ability of the government. By 1951, was government was described as an addled Parliament and petering out in obscure intrigues over electoral law.  [33]  This lack of support explains why the French people were willing to embrace a change in the head of state so quickly. This was also due to their failure to find adequate solutions to issues like unemployment, inflation and more importantly, the Algerian situation.  [34]   Evaluation Firstly, the fall of the French Fourth Republic has been attributed to the inherent instability of the cabinets of ministers. With such a high turnover rate of cabinets, it is easy to see how the cabinet could be perceived as weak and volatile. This can be seen by the length of some of the tenures in office of some of the Prime Ministers. However in actual fact, most of the key personnel holders held on to their offices despite the changes in leadership, as noted by Roy Macridis. This lends support to the view that the Fourth Republic merely gave off an air of instability and was in fact more steadfast than what it appeared to be. But, we know that the Army itself was divided among the three political parties due to the coalition structure of government and thus the lack of unity could be seen in the course of the Algerian War, as well as the French Indochina war before that. The Algerian War suffered from a lack of cohesive leadership and battle strategy and this in turn could have led to the pervasive dissatisfaction among the generals, who felt that a change in leadership was necessary to get the job done. This in turn, led to the plan to reinstall war hero Charles de Gaulle as the Prime Minister of a new republic with a coup. Thus, this could be seen as the direct cause of the fall of the Fourth Republic as it directly resulted in the Prime Minister Pierre Pflimlin being replaced and the parliamentary democracy system being scrapped. Furthermore, the French Algerian War also caused the government to lose support of both its citizens in mainland France as well as that of the pied-noirs in Algeria due to the high casualty rate and rumors of torture. The pied-noirs in particular, were demanding independence from France and when their demands were not met by the government, they threw their weight behind the military and took over government offices in protest. Their unhappiness with the government of the Fourth Republic with the war and being forced to seek refuge in Europe was what led to the eventual uprising and support of the OAS. If the pied-noirs had not voiced their unhappiness with the present situation, the government could have just bulldozed their way through the rebels. However, the fact that they still consider Algeria to be the crown jewel of their Empire, coupled by the fact that the pied-noirs numbered nearly 1 million and were still considered by many to be Europeans, this resulted in the previous F rench government getting replaced by the popular de Gaulle, who seemed to sympathise with the plight of the Algerians. However, the unpopularity of the French Fourth Republic could have also led to its eventual collapse. The unhappiness of the population due to the three wars that occurred right after World War 2 as well as the apparent capabilities of their government could have led to their poor performance. We have to note that the Fourth Republic collapsed in 1958, but by as early as 1951, as mentioned in the article by D.M.P., nearly half the population expressed some form of unhappiness with the current government. Thus, this lack of support early on could have contributed to the fall of the Republic as a government who loses support from its people cannot hope to stay in power for long. Therefore, from the evidence above, we can conclude that the while the French Fourth Republic did suffer from some significant flaws that severely hampered its ability to govern the nation, fight multiple wars as well as manage an empire, the Algerian war did in fact drive the already split cabinet even further apart as the multiple parties in charge could not agree to one common agenda on how the Algerian War should be fought out. This in turn, directly affected the outcome of the war. Thus, the decision made by the rogue generals to implement their coup was swayed by the way the French military was locked in a stalemate with the Algerian guerillas. Presumably, if France was winning in Algeria, then the generals would not have any motive to seek a change in government. However, their coup could have been motivated by dissatisfaction with the Fourth Republic and not influenced by the outcome of the Algerian War. In that case, the fall of the government would be blamed on the very reasons why the people were so discontented with the government: its lack of a coherent structure and inability to solve the economic and social problems of France at the time such as unemployment or national debt. Furthermore, with the people of France split regarding the decision over an independent Algeria versus Algerie franà §aise, the ineptitude displayed by the cabinet over the Algerian War only confirmed the lack of faith that the people of France had in their government. Again, the deciding factor in this situation was the Algerian War. The war was the main issue that the people were concerned about. As with other elections, there will always be complaints about jobs, inflation and debt. However, wars are always a major point of contention as the people in a France eventually viewed the Algerian situation as a waste of money and lives. Add that to the widespread rumors of torture which was later proven to be true, it is not unreasonable to claim that the Algerian War was the main cause for the fall of the French Fourth Republic.

Militarism Caused WWII Essay -- World War II WWII WW2

Militarism On Sunday June 28, 1914, a member of the terrorist group The Black Hand, assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Many historians say that this event was the cause of World War I. There is also a theory that the assassination of the Archduke was only a trigger and that the war itself was caused by numerous other historical events and developments including imperialism, militarism, and alliances. Militarism was the leading factor in the outbreak of war. Militarism is the philosophy that a country’s significance is shown through its military might. Such a violent ideal promotes a unnecessarily strong military force and an aggressive demeanor while negotiating national interests. Without it the World War I would not happen on such a grand scale, if it would have happened at all. Militarism has always been present in countries around the world, but it had never become such a major force until the new Kaiser of Germany, William II, rose to power. He grew up as a cadet in Potsdam and it was there that he acquired a fondness for military pomp. While receiving his education, instead of insight and wisdom, it filled him with bigoted and absurdly romantic notions of war (Schulezed et al 69). Although Bismark, the previous prime minister, dismissed the new youthful Kaiser, he was forced out of power, marking the turning point of when German militarism moved to a forefront and became the ideal of the nation, and all rational calculations were put on the back burner (Schulezed et al 70). When Germany began to build its army, there was no going back. The Social Democratic Party, the main political party at the time, was unsuccessful in opposing naval growth because military provided the working class with tens of thousands o... ...l in times of peace. He argued that military elites had too much power in European countries and World War I was a consequence of their desire for the military power and disdain of democracy. He supported the removal of rulers such as Wilhelm II, an end to aristocracy, and militarism in any shape or form. Unfortunately his ideas were implemented only after the world suffered through the second World War when history had repeated itself without anyone learning their lesson. Bibliography â€Å"Naval Rivalry.† Europe. 3rd ed. 5 vols. Beresford, Charles W., Volker R. Berghahn, Herwig H. Holger, Lambert A. Nicholas, Arthur J. Marder, Jon T. Sumida, and Lawrence Sondhaus. Farmington Hills: Tomson Gale, 2006 Schulze, Hagen. German - A New History. Massachusette: Harvard University Press, 1998. Stratachn, Hew. The First World War. New York: Penguin Group, 2004

Horror Movies Essay -- essays research papers fc

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã¢â‚¬Å"Natural Born Killers,† â€Å" Psycho,† â€Å" Friday the 13th ,† and â€Å"The Legend of Sleepy Hollow† are all horror films. In these films there is always some crazy person or monster-like character that goes around and slaughters innocent people. And usually, but not all the time the killer is killed at the end of the movie. The media publishes or broadcasts stories that say that horror films influence people to imitate these wrongful acts of violence. I believe that these movies do not influence people to imitate these murderous crimes onto innocent people. Horror films are a way for people to exercise their violent emotions with out hurting anyone.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The media publishes ,in my mind stupid , stories about horror films that say that some whacked out kid has just killed someone because of a horror film he or she saw. I think that the kid blaming the movie is just a reason to get out of jail time. The parents of these kids should not be showing there 8 years old children horror films in the first place. That is why there is a ratings system. And all horror movies are rated R, which means no one under the age of 17 should watch the movie with out adult supervision.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   A movie that comes to my mind for a movie supposedly influencing people is the Oliver Stone movie â€Å"Natural Born Killers.† In it Woody Harrelson and Juliette Lewis play a couple that go on a violent crime spree. They kill dozens ... Horror Movies Essay -- essays research papers fc   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã¢â‚¬Å"Natural Born Killers,† â€Å" Psycho,† â€Å" Friday the 13th ,† and â€Å"The Legend of Sleepy Hollow† are all horror films. In these films there is always some crazy person or monster-like character that goes around and slaughters innocent people. And usually, but not all the time the killer is killed at the end of the movie. The media publishes or broadcasts stories that say that horror films influence people to imitate these wrongful acts of violence. I believe that these movies do not influence people to imitate these murderous crimes onto innocent people. Horror films are a way for people to exercise their violent emotions with out hurting anyone.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The media publishes ,in my mind stupid , stories about horror films that say that some whacked out kid has just killed someone because of a horror film he or she saw. I think that the kid blaming the movie is just a reason to get out of jail time. The parents of these kids should not be showing there 8 years old children horror films in the first place. That is why there is a ratings system. And all horror movies are rated R, which means no one under the age of 17 should watch the movie with out adult supervision.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   A movie that comes to my mind for a movie supposedly influencing people is the Oliver Stone movie â€Å"Natural Born Killers.† In it Woody Harrelson and Juliette Lewis play a couple that go on a violent crime spree. They kill dozens ...

Sustainable Health Education Essay -- Health

The concept of sustainability derives from principles grounded in developing and maintaining a harmonious environment, society, and economy. Regardless of the discipline, these three areas must be the focus of concentration, as they are not mutually exclusive of one another. Above all, education must be recognized as the chief factor in achieving sustainability. Dr. Rosalyn McKeown’s Education for Sustainable Development Toolkit is based on the notion that success depends on a community’s willingness and ability to integrate education with sustainable efforts. Given the length of Dr. McKeown’s toolkit, it is virtually impossible for this writer to diffuse every detailed point. However, one is able to dissect key concepts deemed appropriate to teaching sustainability in the context of health education. Health Education is the â€Å"comprising of consciously constructed opportunities for learning, involving some form of communication designed to improve health literacy, including improving knowledge, and developing life skills which are conducive to individual and community health† (Kirch, 2008). The U.S. Department of Labor Bureau of Labor Statistics infers that health education specialists promote, maintain, and improve individual and community health. Considering these points, health education, in a philosophical sense, is rooted in the fundamental concept of sustainability. There are many factors which contribute to health education sustainability. Given the broad spectrum of health education, and all that the discipline entails, educators should focus efforts to assisting communities in making healthy choices and addressing major risk factors. At the forefront should be an emphasis on physical activity, healthy food consumption, ... ...cco use. Concrete goals and objectives must be met and mastered in the pursuit of sustainable development. Forming strong partnerships to use and allocate resources is crucial to success. Policies must be created before training can ensue. Health educators left with the task of achieving sustainable development should not micro-manage the process. Above all, community members must understand and appreciate how personal health impacts the environment, economy, and society at large. Works Cited Kirch, Wilhelm. (2008). The Encyclopedia of Public Health. New York, NY: Springer Science and Business Media, LLC. McKeown, Rosalyn. (2002). Education for Sustainable Development Toolkit. Retrieved from http://www.esdtoolkit.org/default.htm The Health Education Specialist: A Companion Guide for Professional Excellence (6th ed.). (2010). Whitehall, PA.

George Orwell’s Politics and the English Language vs. Jonathan Swift’s A Modest Proposal: Essay

George Orwell’s â€Å"Politics and the English Language† and Jonathan Swift’s â€Å"A Modest Proposal† are essays from two different times; the former written in 1946, and the latter in the 18th century. Both essays aim to spark people’s attention and address important national issues of their countries. â€Å"Politics and the English Language† basically presents Orwell’s opinion about the then-current state of the English Language—that it was decaying, just like what was happening to civilization at that time. He attributed the decay of the English Language to politics and economics, arguing that it is not just the fault of the writer that his words lack precision and has stale imagery, but it is rooted from political and economic causes, saying â€Å"†¦an effect can become a cause, reinforcing the original cause and producing the same effect in an intensified form.† On the other hand, â€Å"A Modest Proposal For Preventing The Children of Poor People in Ireland From Being Aburden to Their Parents or Country, and For Making Them Beneficial to The Public† presents Swift’s satirical critique of the English and Irish government, wherein he sarcastically suggested that in order for the Irish government to solve the national issues of poverty and overpopulation, they must sell the children of the poor, specifically one-year old babies, as food for the wealthy Irish and English people. He presented staggering calculations and economic strategies on how to achieve necessary solutions to end their national problems. He argued that the use of poor children as food for the wealthy will reduce the country’s population and improve the condition and living state of the poor Irish people because of the increased income they will get from selling their children. The points in which these two essays try to impose on their readers are much influenced by what was going on in their respective countries at the time the famous literary pieces were written. In Swift’s time, which was the early 18th century, several astounding issues were present in Ireland that struck Swift and led him to write his famous essay. One of these is the oppressive treatment of the Catholic peasants of Ireland by the English, which resulted in the peasants of Ireland to be experience extreme poverty. Swift published his essay as a pamphlet. On the other hand, Orwell’s essay was written in 1946, a time when Britain was in a hazy after-war state. Therefore political speeches were prevalent at that time; writers and speakers, as observed by Orwell, lack precision in their words and has a stale imagery in their messages. The way the two authors attacked their respective adversaries (in Swift’s case, the Irish government, and in Orwell’s, political writers and all writers in English in general) are completely different in a variety of ways. There is significant amount of   diversity of their style of writing even though they have the same goal in general, which is, in a shallow point of view, to spark, take hold—grope people’s attention through their essays to get them to read intently what the message of their essays bring. In terms of the persona of the essay, Orwell attacked writers as a linguist, analyzing what was faulty behind the use of language of writers in his time. The essay even has a persona of an English language instructor, as Orwell pointed out rules that he proposed everyone must use when writing: â€Å"(i) Never use a metaphor, simile, or other figure of speech which you are used to seeing in print.   (ii) Never us a long word where a short one will do.(iii) If it is possible to cut a word out, always cut it out. (iv) Never use the passive where you can use the active. (v) Never use a foreign phrase, a scientific word, or a jargon word if you can think of an everyday English equivalent. (vi) Break any of these rules sooner than say anything outright barbarous.† Meanwhile, Swift attacked the Irish government in the persona of an economist, calculating how much percentage of the population will be decreased in case his proposal is applied, and other economic statistics in his time. A part of his essay presents then-current statistics of the kingdom of Ireland: â€Å"†¦ The number of souls in this kingdom being usually reckoned one million and a half, of these I calculate there may be about two hundred thousand couple whose wives are breeders; from which number I subtract thirty thousand couples who are able to maintain their own children, although I apprehend there cannot be so many, under the present distresses of the kingdom; but this being granted, there will remain an hundred and seventy thousand breeders. I again subtract fifty thousand for those women who miscarry, or whose children die by accident or disease within the year. There only remains one hundred and twenty thousand children of poor parents annually born†¦Ã¢â‚¬  The essays also differed in the type of language their authors used. Orwell’s â€Å"Politics and the English Language† used literal language. He said his points straight and direct, with no figurative speech whatsoever. Neither did he used euphemisms in criticizing the words and sentences and essays of the writers who, according to him, are faulty in their use of the English language: â€Å"These five passages have not been picked out because they are especially bad — I could have quoted far worse if I had chosen — but because they illustrate various of the mental vices from which we now suffer. They are a little below the average, but are fairly representative examples. I number them so that i can refer back to them when necessary: 1. I am not, indeed, sure whether it is not true to say that the Milton who once seemed not unlike a seventeenth-century Shelley had not become, out of an experience ever more bitter in each year, more alien [sic] to the founder of that Jesuit sect which nothing could induce him to tolerate. Professor Harold Laski (Essay in Freedom of Expression)†¦Ã¢â‚¬  On the other hand, the language of Swift’s essay, â€Å"A Modest Proposal†, is entirely figurative. The essay is classified as a political satire, incorporated with much sarcasm and irony. His irrational argument, which is to use the babies of poor families in Ireland as food for the wealthy English and Irish people, intensified by exaggeration, is actually a metaphor to attack the policies of the Irish government at that time. â€Å"†¦and therefore whoever could find out a fair, cheap, and easy method of making these children sound, useful members of the commonwealth would deserve so well of the public as to have his statue set up for a preserver of the nation†¦ †¦a young healthy child well nursed is at a year old a most delicious, nourishing, and wholesome food, whether stewed, roasted, baked, or boiled; and I make no doubt that it will equally serve in a fricassee or a ragout.†

Canadian Culture in the Classroom Essay

There is a real lack of appreciation for Canadian literature across Ontario. In grade 12 classrooms across the province there is a wide variety of material studied, very little of it being of Canadian descent. While good writers exist in all cultures, Ontario students should mainly study Canadian authors as there needs to be focus on Canadian culture, to also promote and establish current authors, and to encourage young Canadian writers. Southern neighbours have already swamped Canada with their various ways of life. There is no reason for American culture to leak into the classroom. Canadian culture has never had the chance to blossom, even with the potential possessed, because of the storied and rich culture that has preceded it. Always under the thumb of foreign culture, Canadian authors were always an afterthought. For years, a student in Ontario would study Shakespeare and other British writers, and today, even American writers such as Fitzgerald. All of them, no doubt writing q uality literature, but the big picture is being missed. Many schools limit a student’s exposure to a Canadian novel to ISP reading lists. In this sense, Canada is an attic in which we have stored American and British literature without considering our own (Davies, Letters in Canada 426). No wonder a Canadian student has problems appreciating there culture. It seems as though that any Canadian literature studied is out of date to begin with. This includes works such as Mordecai’s Apprenticeship of Duddy Kravitz or Lawrence’s, Stone Angel. Fifth Business, which was published in 1970 – over 40 years ago – is still on many courses of study in Gr. 12 classrooms. Atwood’s Handmade Tale, the most recent of these books was published in 1985; over twenty five years ago. Again, while most teachers allow and may even encourage a student to focus on more modern Canadian books for their ISP, the classroom experience is almost always limited to studying these golden oldies. In order for Canadian literature to become a staple in the Ontario classroom, there needs to be an infusion of modern Canadian novels. Then there is the issue of these out of date authors not reflecting our modern multicultural society. There needs to be a variety of races represented in literature because, it is these very people which make Canada so diverse. As Robertson Davies stated†¦ â€Å"Canada is not going to have a national literature in the mode of those European lands where a long history has bound the people together, and where a homogeneous racial inheritance has given them a language, customs, and even a national dress of their own† (Transactions 35). We need to look at the work of Canadian authors who have come here from different backgrounds as to inspire young authors of all races. There is no doubt a brilliant mind out there, who could turn into a Canadian icon, but simply has no interest in Hamlet or Life of Pi. As Canadians, we are lost in a sea of international influences; we hardly know who we are. No wonder that Margaret Atwood can comment that Canadians have issues with establishing their identity. In discussing Canadian writers, she argues a Canadian state of mind does not really exist†¦ â€Å"I’m talking about Canada as a state of mind, as the space you inhabit not just with your body but with your head. It’s that kind of space in which we find ourselves lost† (Margaret 18). In order for this great nation to continue to produce young writers, to establish the current authors, and to gain Canadian literature the respect it deserves, the focus in the Canadian classroom needs to be on Canadian writers. While some might think that students will be prevented from studying the best literature out there, taking this approach will allow Canadian students to see the value of our authors, especially with the many talented Canadian authors. Although there is no need to completely uproot staples such as Shakespeare, from a curriculum, Canadian culture need to be priority number one. Works Cited Atwood, Margaret. Survival: A Thematic Guide to Canadian Literature. Toronto: McLelland and Stewart, 1972. Print. Davies, Robertson. Letters in Canada. Toronto: Macmillan Press, 1979. Print. Davies, Robertson. Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada. IV. XIII. Ottawa: Royal Society of Canada, 1975. Print.